After a self-imposed absence of almost three years, President Xi Jinping re-emerged on the international stage in mid-November and took it by storm.
Xi was the man to see at the G20 meeting in Bali, Indonesia and at the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting in Bangkok, Thailand. In Bali, Xi launched a charm offensive and held bilateral meetings with heads of state from Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, Japan, the Republic of Korea, France, Italy, the Netherlands and South Africa, among others. But the most significant one was the three-and-a-half-hour meeting with US President Joe Biden on the sidelines of the G20 summit.
Xi and Biden had known each other while they were both serving as deputy heads of state, but Sino-US relations have taken a sharp downturn ever since the “China threat” theory — the allegation that China has a secret plan to supplant the US as a global superpower — came to dominate American politics. To prevent relations between the two countries from going into freefall, despite persistent provocations by US politicians on the Taiwan question, tightening of controls on high-tech exports to China and saber-rattling by US defense officials, Xi took decisive action to arrest the downslide.
In intense discussions described by Biden as “open and candid”, Xi underscored the Taiwan question as China’s core interest, the fundamental foundation of Sino-US relations going forward, and a red line which must not be crossed. Xi also reassured Biden that China had no intention to change the international order, interfere in US domestic politics, or challenge the US’ global dominance. Xi stressed that the two countries owed it to history, to the world and the people to manage their differences responsibly.
In remarks made after the meeting, Biden confirmed that the US was not looking for conflict. The US would manage competition responsibly and keep lines of communication open. He also instructed Secretary of State Antony Blinken to visit China.
The rise of new powers does not mean that the world is doomed to split into two competing blocs. An economically strong and politically assertive China is a challenge, but China’s rise does not warrant isolating China or curbing competition. (Olaf) Scholz’s realism has injected a much-needed, healthy dose of balance and counterweight against US efforts to pitch the world against China on ideological grounds
In-person contact also achieved an improvement in Sino-German relations. Following his visit to Beijing in early November, German chancellor Olaf Scholz mapped out his worldview and Germany’s new China strategy in an article entitled The Global Zeitenwende — How to Avoid a New Cold War in a Multipolar Era. Note that Scholz acknowledged the times have changed and nations need to work with each other in a new, multipolar era. The rise of new powers does not mean that the world is doomed to split into two competing blocs. An economically strong and politically assertive China is a challenge, but China’s rise does not warrant isolating China or curbing competition. Scholz’s realism has injected a much-needed, healthy dose of balance and counterweight against US efforts to pitch the world against China on ideological grounds.
In-person exchanges have made a difference also in Sino-Australian relations. Despite China being Australia’s top trading partner, Sino-Australian relations deteriorated sharply during the Morrison administration, as Morrison fired multiple incendiary shots at China over the origins of the COVID-19 virus and alleged human rights abuses in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. Major flashpoints in Sino-Australian relations remain, including Australia’s closer defense alignment with Washington, Australia’s perceived strategic competition with China in the Solomon Islands, and the potential need to restrict exports of lithium to China and China’s investments in Australia’s lithium mines. Yet after the meeting between Xi and Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese in Bali, Australia lived up to its promise of resuming dialogue. Australia’s Foreign Minister Penny Wong visited Beijing earlier this month. After her meeting with China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Wong described the meeting as “another step forward as we stabilize the relationship between our two countries.”
Since Bali, a flurry of world leaders has visited or are making preparations to visit Beijing. The European Council President Charles Michel visited Beijing in early December. Following his meetings with top leaders in Beijing, Michel said in a formal statement on Dec 1 that “Both the EU and China have an interest in a rules-based world with the UN charter at its core”, a welcome draft away from the US-dominated, much touted “liberal international order”. Michel also indicated that the EU is prepared to resume EU-China human rights dialogue, a format which has been discontinued for three years. An ongoing dialogue remains the best way to thrash out priorities and differences, and manage disagreements.
The greatest diplomatic success of the year is undoubtedly Xi’s first state visit to Saudi Arabia, at which Xi attended three summit meetings — a summit meeting with King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud; the first China-Arab States Summit, and the China-Gulf Cooperation Council Summit. Important breakthroughs were achieved in exploring petroleum transactions in yuan; greater cooperation in trading and clearances in digital currencies; development of new, green and renewable energies; and promotion of maritime trade and logistics.
Despite substantial progress in resuming dialogue with China’s major trade and economic partners, the world remains a dangerous place. The war in Ukraine rages on; the global COVID-19 pandemic continues to pose significant health risks, and the global economy seems poised to slide into a recession. Even as China prepares for Blinken’s visit, Washington has aggravated its challenge of China’s unshakable sovereignty claim over Taiwan by including a $10 billion provision for “security assistance” to Taiwan in its National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2023. Washington is also accelerating arms sales to Taiwan. Sino-US relations will remain fraught, but the two great powers should work together to prevent a downward spiral with potential disastrous consequences for their peoples and for the world.
The author is convener of the Executive Council and a legislator.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.